Dick Cheney and the Self-Licking
Ice Cream Cone
The Carlyle Group: Crony
Capitalism without Borders
excerpted from the book
How Much Are You Making On
The War Daddy?
A Quick and Dirty Guide to
War Profiteering in the Bush Administration
by William D. Hartung
Nation Books, 2003, paper
pvii
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large
arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence-economic,
political, even spiritual-is felt in every city, every State house,
every office of the Federal government ...
In the councils of government, we must
guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether
sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential
for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist
We must never let the weight of this combination
endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take
nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry
can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military
machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that
security and liberty may prosper together.
President Dwight D. Eisenhower, in a televised
Farewell Address to the Nation, January 17, 1961
pxxi
It is simply not possible to have a multi-billion-dollar, multi-year
tax cut, a Pentagon budget that will top $500 billion by the end
of this decade, a seemingly endless string of wars for "regime
change" that are paid for through emergency appropriations
over and above the Pentagon's massive annual spending, plus massive
new expenditures for intelligence and homeland security, and still
expect the government to meet its traditional responsibilities
in the areas of education, income security, transportation, health
care, housing, environmental protection, and energy development.
pxxii
... when 50 percent of Americans don't even bother to vote, when
most Americans get their news from the "shouting heads"
and slick sound bites they hear on TV news, it's an open question
whether the American public can rise to the occasion to restore
and revive American democracy from the deep wounds suffered in
November and December of 2000 ...
Dick Cheney and the Self-Licking Ice Cream
Cone
p27
The revolving door between the government and weapons contractors
isn't new, but it has reached new heights (monetarily) and depths
(ethically), in recent years.[Richard] Cheney's relationship with
Halliburton is a perfect case study of all that is wrong with
the relationship between our democratic form of government and
the corporations that finance our elections and feed at the government
trough on a daily basis.
p29
Halliburton's biggest "cash cow" during his [Cheney's]
tenure was definitely in the area of military support services,
and the company's ability to earn so much in this area was directly
tied to a decision Cheney had made back when he was secretary
of defense in the first Bush administration. It was under Cheney's
watch that the decision was made to privatize not only specific
services in support of U.S. troops overseas-such as food services,
or doing the laundry, or repairing vehicles-but to privatize the
actual planning process that went into providing logistics for
U.S. troops when they had to be sent into an inhospitable foreign
hot spot on short notice.
In 1992, near the end of Cheney's tenure
as defense secretary, Halliburton won a contract from the U.S.
Army's Logistics Civil Augmentation Program (LOGCAP), which P.W.
Singer has described as a deal to "work with the military
in planning the logistical side of contingency operations."
Singer notes that "it was the first time the U.S. military
had ever contracted such global planning to a private organization."
In a pattern that would mark both Halliburton's and Cheney's business
paths, the firm got the LOGCAP contract after conducting a top
secret $3.9 million report for the Pentagon on how private companies
could essentially provide the bulk of the logistics involved in
major U.S. contingency deployments, from transportation and base-building
to cooking the food and doing the laundry. The initial study contract
called for a plan for how a private company could bear the bulk
of the logistical burden for deploying 20,000 troops to 5 separate
bases overseas within a 1 80-day period. Later in the year, Halliburton
got a $5 million follow-on study contract to outline how a private
firm might supply logistics for a series of more specific contingencies.
By the end of the year, Halliburton had been selected to receive
a five-year contract to be the U.S. Army's "on call"
private logistics arm.
The work started almost immediately. Halliburton
was called upon to provide support services for U.S. forces deployed
to Somalia as part of "Operation Restore Hope," an operation
that began at the end of the Bush administration and carried over
into the first Clinton term. As Singer notes, "Brown and
Root employees arrived in Mogadishu just 24 hours after the first
U.S. troops arrived and stayed until the final withdrawal in March
1995, when its employees left with the last U.S. marines."
The company did everything from hiring local women to hand wash
Army laundry to importing "a mortician to clean up the bodies
of killed UN peacekeepers before shipping them out of the country."
Singer notes that for a good portion of its time in country, Halliburton
was "the largest employer in Somalia, with some 2,500 local
employees."
The Somalia operation led to additional,
more limited work on behalf of smaller U.S. deployments to Rwanda
and Haiti. But the big payoff came in the Balkans, where Halliburton's
Brown and Root Services unit started out supplying logistical
support for Operation Deny Flight, the United Nations-mandated
no-fly zone in Bosnia, and ended up building and operating bases
and refugee camps in Croatia, Bosnia, and, most lucratively of
all, in KOSOVO. The firm's Balkan adventures started during the
same year that Cheney took over as CEO of the company, and accounted
for a good deal of the company's growth on the military side of
its operations during his five-year tenure at the head of the
firm.
The Army contract to provide logistical
support for 20,000 U.S. troops deployed as part of the NATO IFOR
forces in Bosnia came in at a cool $546 million, and it resulted
in Halliburton doing work on behalf of U.S. and allied forces
in Hungary, Bosnia, and Croatia. Just as it seemed that Halliburton
had struck pure gold, there was a setback in 1997 when the company
lost in its bid to renew its overall LOGCAP contract with the
Army to a competitor, DynCorp, who had underbid them for the next
round of work. But the sting was taken out of the loss when the
Army decided to remove the BaIkans work from the larger LOGCAP
contract, allowing Halliburton to go full speed ahead on its lucrative
support operations there.
The Bosnia work set the stage for an even
bigger role for Halliburton in Kosovo, where the company was involved
in everything from building make-shift refugee quarters to building
two major Army bases from scratch. The company's contract for
its first year in Kosovo alone ballooned from the base level fee
of $180 million to $1 billion. During its first three months in
Kosovo alone, Singer reports that the company did the following:
"built 192 barracks . . . thirteen helipads, two aviation-maintenance
facilities, twelve mess-kitchen dining facilities, two large base
dining facilities, and 37 temporary bathing facilities,"
even as it was delivering over I million meals, providing more
than 55 million gallons of water, supplying over 383,000 gallons
of diesel fuel, collecting over 89,000 cubic meters of trash,
and loading and off-loading over 4,200 containers with needed
supplies.
Halliburton's growth under Cheney's leadership
is nothing compared to what it has done since he became vice president.
In 2001, it won back the Army's LOGCAP contract, just in time
to cash in on the logistical bonanza involved in providing facilities
and provisions for U.S. troops in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, Qatar,
Kuwait, Iraq, and all the other far-flung outposts of the Bush
administration's war on terrorism. The company is also in charge
of making the cages used to house Taliban members and terror suspects
at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. A late August 2003 analysis in the Washington
Post estimated that Halliburton had raked in $1.7 billion in military
contracts in Iraq, Afghanistan, and beyond since the start of
the Bush administration.
The company's biggest prize-which it was
awarded on a no-bid basis by the Army Corps of Engineers after
Halliburton officials had helped the Defense Department write
the specs for the contract-was an open-ended, two year contract
worth up to $7 billion for putting out oil fires and repairing
oil infrastructure in Iraq.
It was only after dogged questioning from
Rep. Henry Waxman that it was revealed that the no-bid Halliburton
contract was not merely for putting out oil fires, but for rebuilding
and operating Iraq's extensive oil infrastructure.
p34
Halliburton has been quick to show its gratitude to its Republican
friends, earmarking 95 percent of its more than $708,000 in campaign
donations from 1999 to 2002 to Republican candidates. And there's
plenty more where that came from, heading straight for the Bush/Cheney
2004 campaign and the campaigns of their former CEO's Republican
colleagues in the House and Senate.
The Carlyle Group: Crony Capitalism without
Borders
p63
The Carlyle Group is the most politically connected investment
firm in the world. The company has mastered the art of influence
peddling on a global scale, hiring executives and consultants
ranging from Republican power broker James Baker and former president
George Herbert Walker Bush to foreign leaders like former British
prime minister John Major and former Philippine president Fidel
Ramos.
Carlyle's CEO, Frank Carlucci, served
as secretary of defense and head of the National Security Council
under Ronald Reagan and was Rumsfeld's college roommate at Princeton.
His special relationship with Rumsfeld puts him in a perfect position
to size up U.S. defense policies and programs for purposes of
crafting Carlyle's investment strategy. There is circumstantial
evidence to suggest that Rumsfeld has helped out his old college
friend by giving him a heads-up on the likely status of the Crusader
artillery system, a major multi-billion dollar project which prior
to its cancellation in the spring of 2002 was the most lucrative
project at United Defense, a major weapons maker owned by Carlyle.
The President's father, George Herbert
Walker Bush, is on retainer to Carlyle, using his reputation and
contacts as ex-president to help the firm recruit new investors
in the Middle East, Asia, and beyond. He holds meetings with Saudi
potentates, makes speeches or plays golf with potential investors
in South Korea, and so forth. Press reports indicate that he may
receive $100,000 or more a pop for every speech he gives on Carlyle's
behalf. "Bush 41" is engaged in Influence Peddling 101,
except instead of lobbying the U.S. government to help a specific
company or land a specific contract, Carlyle uses its accumulated
connections to garner inside information that enables them to
"play the market" for defense and security companies.
Without its ability to give investors the impression that it has
inside dope on the direction of U.S. government policy that no
other firm can get, there would be no rationale for the Carlyle
Group to exist.
James Baker, whose leadership of the Republican
recount effort in Florida in November and December of 2000 paved
the way for George W. Bush's selection as president, is a senior
counselor with the Carlyle Group. According to Dan Briody's excellent
profile of Carlyle, The Iron Triangle, it was Baker's addition
to the firm in March of 1993 that catapulted it into the top ranks
of global investment firms. His political connections, developed
during his years as secretary of commerce, secretary of state,
and White House chief of staff in the administrations of Ronald
Reagan and George H. W. Bush, are unparalleled among his colleagues
in the global investment field. Executives like Baker are like
gold to a company like Carlyle, which depends on major members
of the global political and economic elites to steer business
their way. Like Dick Cheney, Baker can parlay the connections
he made in Saudi Arabia and other oil-rich Persian Gulf states
during the 1991 Gulf War into contracts and investments from a
motley array of wealthy sheiks, bankers, and potentates in the
region. But instead of shaking them down for contracts to build
up their oil facilities, as Cheney and Halliburton have done,
Carlyle's key Republican front man tries to persuade his Middle
Eastern counterparts to put money into one of the firm's investment
funds. In that sense Baker and his colleagues at Carlyle are "confidence
men," wooing potential investors with the promise that Carlyle
has inside governmental information that can guide them toward
rich returns.
Other individuals on Carlyle's team of
politically connected advisors are former British prime minister
John Major, former Philippines president Fidel Ramos, former South
Korean prime minister Park Taejoon, and former Thai prime minister
Anand Panyarachun.
***
The true story behind Carlyle's ever expanding
empire is complex, although not as sinister as some accounts imply.
The principals in Carlyle-Frank Carlucci, James Baker, George
H. W. Bush-are by and large moderate internationalists who differ
in policy and ideology from neo-cons like Frank Gaffney and Paul
Wolfowitz. (This may be one case in which corporate influence
might actually have a moderating effect on the administration
of George W. Bush, for the simple reason that global businessmen
often take a more sophisticated view of international politics
than ideologues of the Frank Gaffney school do. James Baker is
no Richard Perle. ) H. W. Bush's association with Carlyle drew
international attention in the aftermath of September 11 when
it was revealed that the construction company owned by Osama bin
Laden's family, the Saudi Bin Ladin Group, was an investor in
the Carlyle Group. Furthermore, Bush may have been involved in
convincing the Saudi conglomerate to place its funds with Carlyle.
On September 11, 2001,
Carlyle was in the midst of its annual
investors conference at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Washington,
D.C. At that same meeting, alongside James Baker, Frank Carlucci,
and other members in good standing of the world's economic and
political elite, was Osama Bin Laden's half-brother, Shafiq Bin
Laden. He was there to keep an eye on the Saudi Bin Ladin Group's
investment in one of Carlyle's global funds.
On September 27, 2001, the Wall Street
Journal brought George Herbert Walker Bush's Carlyle connection
into the international media spotlight. In an article entitled,
"Bin Laden Family is Tied to U.S. Group," Daniel Golden,
James Bandler, and Marcus Walker reported that "If the U.S.
boosts defense spending in its quest to stop Osama Bin Laden's
alleged terrorist activities, there may be one unexpected beneficiary
Mr. Bin Laden's family." They noted that the Saudi Bin Ladin
group had invested at least $2 million, and possibly much more,
with the Carlyle Group, and it quoted an executive's assertion
that the Bin Laden family business was in line to receive a 40
percent rate of return on its investment. It also made clear that
George H. W. Bush had met with Bin Laden family members in Saudi
Arabia at least twice on Carlyle business, once in 1998 and once
in 2000.
The issue at hand in the Bin Ladin Group/Carlyle
connection was not whether the President's father was somehow
in league with Osama Bin Laden. The Bin Laden family has long
since disowned their errant brother. As Charles Freeman, a former
U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia whose organization, the Middle
East Policy Council, receives funding from Bin Laden family members,
put it, "They're the establishment that Osama is trying to
overthrow." This view was shared by former President Jimmy
Carter, who met with ten of Osama's brothers in Saudi Arabia in
early 2000 and eventually raised $200,000 from Bin Laden family
members for the activities of the Carter Center, his Atlanta-based
research and public education organization. But a Bush-Bin Laden
business link-even if it was with the "good" Bin Ladens-was
more than public opinion would bear. By late October 2001, the
Carlyle Group and the Saudi Bin Ladin Group had severed their
financial ties. A Carlyle official familiar with the decision
told the Wall Street Journal that it was driven by "questioning
from outside the company about any chance of [the Bin Laden family]
profiting because of investments that are going to increase in
value because of the war on terrorism. For Carlyle, cutting its
ties to the Bin Laden family was a public relations move, not
a change of policy or principles. As one Carlyle executive put
it when the Bush-Bin Laden link was first revealed, "The
situation's changed now. I don't want to spend my life talking
to reporters.
Bush the elder has little to say about
his Carlyle connection, just as he maintains a carefully controlled
silence about what kind of advice he gives his son. But it is
precisely this special relationship between Bush 41 and Bush 43
that raises the most troub]ing questions about Bush senior's position
with Carlyle. As Dan Briody notes in The Iron Triangle, George
H. W. Bush still has access to regular CIA briefings on the state
of the world. Although he claims that he doesn't share the details
of these briefings with his cronies at Carlyle, the very fact
that he has this privileged information means he can steer Carlyle
toward certain opportunities, or away from certain companies,
based on his special access to classified U.S. government intelligence
assessments of key countries, regions, and global trends.
When Dick Cheney was attacked for his
revolving door relationship with Halliburton, he hit back at his
critics, claiming that his rise to riches as the CEO of an arms
and energy conglomerate was "the quintessential American
success story." And when former Defense Policy Board chairman
Richard Perle was caught not once, not twice, but three times
with his hands in the cookie jar, using his governmental position
to solicit private contracts and investments for his very own
Carlyle-style investment group, Trireme, he viciously attacked
the journalists who pointed out his conflicts of interest and
wrote a lengthy self-justification in the Wall Street Journal,
arguing that if you want advice from folks who know something
about defense, you need to tap people with ties to the defense
industry.
While the Carlyle-Bush-Baker-Carlucci-Rumsfeld
connections are troubling enough in their own right, they look
even worse when you consider how many different ways Carlyle is
profiting from the war on terrorism. Speaking in particular about
Carlucci and his three main partners at Carlyle, Dan Briody has
observed that "It is not an exaggeration to say that September
11 was going to make them very, very rich men."
George W. Bush also had a connection to
the company prior to becoming president. Back in 1990, Carlyle
operative Fred Malek brokered Carlyle's purchase of Caterair,
a catering outfit that serviced major airlines. One of the people
Malek recruited to serve on the Caterair board was George W. Bush.
In effect, young Dubya was "Carlyle's man at Caterair."
Carlyle's investment in Caterair did not go well, but the precedent
of Carlyle reaching out and hiring a member of a sitting president's
family had been established.
Currently the company's best-known arms
industry investment is United Defense, a joint venture of the
FMC and Harsco corporations that specializes in providing armored
vehicles and howitzers to the Pentagon. Until recently, United
Defense's big "program of the future" was the Crusader
artillery system, a complex, heavy-duty long-range howitzer that
was being developed as the U.S. Army's next generation artillery
piece. To Donald Rumsfeld's credit, he canceled the project in
the spring of 2002 in response to concerns that the Crusader was
too bulky to be airlifted to distant combat zones in the U.S.
military's existing transport planes. He did so over the objections
of his old friend Frank Carlucci and the Carlyle Group, not to
mention protests from the top brass of the U.S. Army and key elected
officials like Rep. J.C. Watts (R-OK), who was looking forward
to having a Crusader assembly facility set up in his congressional
district.
The question is, did Donald Rumsfeld give
his old friend a heads up so he could milk the Crusader for all
it was worth prior to the cancellation? He's not telling. A Pentagon
spokesperson claimed that anyone who would even suggest improper
collusion "doesn't know Donald Rumsfeld and Frank Carlucci."
Carlyle's handling of its United Defense
investment is certainly consistent with the idea of Rumsfeld tipping
Carlucci off in advance. Carlyle took United Defense public in
December of 2001-less than six months from the time the company's
biggest program was canceled-and raised $237 million. If Rumsfeld
had canceled the Crusader in the spring of 2001 instead of the
spring of 2002, United Defense would not have been nearly so attractive
an investment for nascent shareholders, and Carlyle probably would
have netted much less on its stock offering. As Walter Pincus
of the Washington Post pointed out, even before the public stock
offering Carlyle took out a loan of $600 million to refinance
a portion of the original purchase price that it plunked down
to buy United Defense, and promptly distributed $387 million of
the borrowed funds to executives and shareholders in the form
of bonuses and dividends. Pincus also noted that United Defense
would be in line for a big fat cancellation fee from the Pentagon
in association with the termination of the Crusader. United Defense
would also have an inside track on the new artillery system that
the Army is planning to build to replace the Crusader.
As this went to press, Carlyle announced
that it was planning to "cash out" of United Defense,
selling its remaining 20 percent stake in the firm for somewhere
in the area of $300 million. The firm will have made back its
initial investment many times over.
United Defense is far from being Carlyle's
only major holding in the defense and security sector. Other Carlyle
investments that are yielding handsome profits from the war on
terrorism include USIS, a former federal agency (which has since
been privatized) that specializes in vetting personnel for positions
in sensitive, security-related jobs. Since the September 11 attacks,
USIS's 3,600 employees are doing a booming business in background
checks on potential employees for the Pentagon, U.S. intelligence
agencies, the Department of Homeland Security, and the commercial
airlines.
EG&G, a 4,500 employee company specializing
in weapons testing, maintenance, and support services, was a part
of the Carlyle family of companies until August of 2002, when
the firm sold it to the San Francisco-based engineering conglomerate
URS corporation for $675 million. Carlyle's ability to buy a firm
like EG&G and then "flip" it a few years later at
a profit greatly enhances its ability to profit from U.S. military
and security policies by "riding the wave" of government
procurement and research priorities, using its roster of influential
former government officials to garner the inside information needed
to know when to "pull the trigger' on a given investment.
Two other Carlyle-controlled companies,
Composite Structures and Vought Aircraft, are well placed to profit
from the boom in aerospace spending that has been fostered by
the Bush administration's air power-driven regime changes in Afghanistan
and Iraq. The two companies are involved in supplying components
for everything from the Army's Apache attack helicopter, to the
Air Force's C-117 transport plane, to the B-2 bomber, to both
current and next-generation combat jets. With existing aircraft
like the Lockheed Martin F- 16, the Boeing F- 18, and the Lockheed
Martin F-117 seeing heavy duty-and undergoing substantial wear
and tear-in the air wars in Iraq, suppliers of aircraft components
like Composite Structures and Vought are well placed to receive
more orders to shore up the Air Force's current inventory. Add
to that the Pentagon's three new fighter plane programs - the
Lockheed Martin/Boeing F-22 fighter, the Lockheed Martin F-35
Joint Strike Fighter, and the Boeing/Northrop Grumman F/A- 1 8E/F
aircraft carrier-based combat aircraft and the business in supplying
parts for new combat planes will increase. Donald Rumsfeld was
allegedly going to reconsider the need for three new combat planes
during the defense policy review he conducted when the Bush administration
first took office, but he lacked the courage to do more than nibble
at the edges of these massive programs, which together may cost
U.S. taxpayers $350 billion or more over the next two decades.
Never mind the fact that neither Iraq, nor the Taliban, nor any
of the other countries on the Pentagon's hit list have any real
air power to speak of, or that independent studies have shown
that our existing combat aircraft fleet, with the occasional upgrade,
can guarantee the United States air superiority for the foreseeable
future. The Air Force, the contractors, and the members of Congress
in states and districts where these planes are built want their
pet programs to be funded.
While Composite Structures and Vought
supply components for military and civilian aircraft, another
Carlyle-owned company, Lier Siegler Services, provides logistical
and maintenance services to governments ranging from Saudi Arabia-as
part of the Saudi "Peace Hawk" program-to the United
States, where it holds Pentagon contracts for work on the F-5
and F-15 combat planes and the Bradley Fighting Vehicle (a product
of its fellow Carlyle-owned company, United Defense).
Last but not least, Carlyle's Federal
Data Systems Corporation has been described as "the premier
provider of information technology services to the U.S. government,"
with contracts in place with the Internal Revenue Service, the
U.S. Air Force, and many other federal agencies.
Not content with its incredible access
and influence over the administration of George W. Bush, Carlyle
continues to expand aggressively. At the end of the Clinton administration,
it picked up two well-connected alumni, outgoing Federal Communications
Commission director William Kennard and outgoing Securities and
Exchange Commission (SEC) chairman Arthur Levitt, in an effort
to "round out" its domestic political portfolio with
a few high-profile Democrats. In mid-2002 the company helped launch
the China Venture Capital Association, a group that Briody describes
as "a nebulous organization charged with warding off corruption
in China and strengthening ties with the Chinese government. Later
that same year, Carlyle bought Qinetiq, the former research and
development arm of the British Ministry of Defense, leading Fiona
Draper, a spokesperson for the union that represents the workers
at the former government agency, to question whether "given
Carlyle's fairly opaque structure, there must be concerns about
whether undue influence may be brought to bear on the British
government.
At bottom, Carlyle is just an investment
firm, with no particular political agenda. However, there is one
area where the company's influence could have a negative impact
on U.S. security: in our policy toward Saudi Arabia. Not only
do many of Carlyle's investors come from the Saudi Kingdom, but
for years the company was under contract to run the Saudi "offset"
program, a program of targeted investments in Saudi Arabia that
recipients of Saudi arms contracts were required to engage in
as a condition of sale. For example, when the British government
sold Saudi Arabia the Tornado aircraft, or Boeing sold Riyadh
a new batch of F-l5s, the exporting entity would be required to
invest a certain amount of money into the Saudi economy as an
"offset" to the billions that the Saudis were spending
on foreign aircraft. It was essentially a system of legalized
bribery. Carlyle's contract to help the Saudi regime run this
program (which has since lapsed) offered its executives all manner
of opportunities to influence and approach members of the royal
family about investing in one of Carlyle's funds. Its financial
links to the Saudi royal family mean that Carlyle does not encourage
or cooperate with investigations into Saudi citizens who may have
funded or otherwise aided and abetted the September 11 hijackers.
Carlyle's ties to wealthy Saudi investors are undoubtedly one
of the reasons that the administration of George W. Bush hasn't
pressed the Saudi regime more vigorously to supply information
on Saudi citizens who may have helped AI Qaeda.
In fact, Carlyle executive and Bush political
confidante James Baker is representing key members of the Saudi
government against a $1 trillion law suit being brought against
them by family members of victims of the September 11 terror attacks.
His law firm, Baker Botts, is defending Saudi defense minister
Prince Sultan Bin Abdul Aziz against charges that he funneled
regular payments to Islamic charities that were fronts for Osama
Bin Laden's terror network. The firm is well-positioned to help
its Saudi clients. Not only did Baker Botts go to bat for George
W. Bush in the Florida recount wars of November and December 2000,
but George W. Bush has chosen Bob Jordan, a former partner at
Baker Botts, to be his ambassador to Saudi Arabia.
When it comes time to press members of
the Saudi elite for cooperation in cutting off the funding sources
of Al Qaeda and other terror groups, whose interests will James
Baker and Bob Jordan be acting on, their long-time Saudi clients,
or America's?
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