Can the System Be Fixed?
An interview with Howard Zinn
by David Barsamian
Z magazine, November 2002
DAVID BARSAMIAN: I want to start with
something from F. Scott Fitzgerald's The Great Gatsby, a novel
about the Roaring Twenties and the excesses that characterized
that period just before the Great Depression. Fitzgerald wrote,
"They were careless people...they smashed up things and creatures
and then retreated back into their money or their vast carelessness,
of whatever it was that kept them together, and let other people
clean up the mess they had made." Comment on that in light
of the current corporate crime wave.
HOWARD ZINN: It s interesting that you
should quote Fitzgerald. The 1920s have much in common with what
we are seeing today. Then there were governments in power that
insisted on distributing the wealth of the country so that the
rich got richer and the poor were stuck where they were or got
even poorer. Vast fortunes were made while people in poor areas
of cities were struggling to pay the rent and put food on the
table. It was capitalism run amok. Interestingly, the Pope, in
a recent interview in an Italian newspaper, talked about savage,
unbridled capitalism. That's what we saw in the 1920s and that's
what we are seeing today.
DB Why is it that crime in the streets
has historically attracted much more attention than white collar
HZ If somebody holds up a store or robs
someone on the street, of course those are crimes. If somebody
robs consumers of the country of millions of dollars or robs workers
of their lives because of unsafe work conditions, that's not crime.
That's business. The media constantly focus on mayhem being done
to ordinary people. But what is being done by the corporate giants
usually doesn't get into the media until it explodes in a particularly
kind of odious scandal, as we have now.
HZ There are other reasons for the emphasis
on street crime over corporate crime. Street crime is overt while
the corporate variety is secret.
DB How would you compare the current era
to the Robber Baron period of the late 19th century?
HZ The Robber Barons were the great corporate
executives and moguls of the late l9th century like the Vanderbilts,
Hills, and Harrimans who controlled the railroads, the Carnegies
and Mellons who controlled steel and aluminum, the J.P. Morgans
who worked out deals by merging companies and making huge profits.
They were the people who manipulated the money market. The Robber
Barons owned the factories where workers toiled for 14 hours a
day. They were the counterparts of what we have seen in the 20th
and now 21st century. The CEOs making enormous sums of money and
laying off their workers without taking care of their health insurance.
Leaving them in the lurch when they are 50 to 60 years old, having
lost their retirement benefits.
What is interesting to me is how the word
security is bandied about by the government. In the name of security,
they fingerprint and keep tabs on people, and pick them up in
the middle of the night, non-citizens, and even a few who are.
A large part of our national wealth is being given to the military
budget. It is all being done in the name of security while the
daily life security of people is being taken away from them. Real
security is the security people need when they get to the age
when they want to stop working and are able to. Or the security
that all people need to be able to deal with their medical problems
without incurring huge bills that they can't pay. The security
of having work when you are able to work. The security that children
need to grow up in healthy environments. That kind of security
is put aside while the militarization of the country goes on.
DB Is the current crisis of capitalism
a systemic one?
HZ It is systemic in the sense that it
is not just an aberration, which will pass, if and when a few
corporate crooks go to prison. The stock market may go up again,
but the fundamental sickness of the system remains. By that I
mean that even when the stock market is up and even when the worst
excesses of the corporate system have been slightly corrected,
fundamental problems remain like 1 percent of the country owning
40 percent of the wealth. I believe what is a systemic problem
is that profit is the driving force that decides what is done
in society. That profit motive means that homes will not be built
for low-income people because there is no money to be made. Teachers'
salaries will not be doubled, as they should be. The rivers, lakes,
and oceans will not be cleaned up because there is no profit in
it. The incentive of profit, which people who want to glorify
our system describe as a wonderful thing, may lead to enormous
production. So that the gross national product rises and rises.
But that gross national product consists of things that do not
solve the day to day needs of ordinary citizens.
I'd like to think that while the new has
not yet been born and the old system has not yet died, that the
old system is beginning to show what is wrong with it in a way
that will cause more and more people to rebel against it and for
the new to emerge. There are women activists in Nigeria who shut
down the ChevronTexaco operation. Poor people in Peru are protesting
the impact of the so-called free market system. Banana workers
in Ecuador are going on strike. In Poland, there are signs of
recognition that the lovely capitalist system that was promised
for them has turned out to be disastrous.
Certainly since the Seattle protests in
late 1999, there is a growing awareness of linking U.S. foreign
policy with the economic and environmental well being of the planet.
The World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil has drawn tens
of thousands of social activists from all over. There are lots
of movements out there.
DB I began with F. Scott Fitzgerald, let
me continue with another piece from literature. Joseph Conrad's
novel Heart of Darkness was published in 1902. He was aware of
the attack on and destruction of the Congo, one of the great crimes
in human history. Conrad wrote, "They were conquerors, and
for that you only want brute force.... They grabbed what they
could get for the sake of what was to be got. It was robbery with
violence, aggravated murder on a great scale, and men going at
it blind.... The conquest of the earth, which mostly means the
taking it away from those who have a different complexion or slightly
flatter noses than ourselves, is not a pretty thing when you look
into it too much. "
HZ Conrad was telling us about the ugly
and violent process by which Western nations conquered parts of
the earth. It made me think of Barbara Kingsolver's novel The
Poisonwood Bible in which she writes about the Congo in our time.
It also made me think of Adam Hochschild's King Leopold's Ghost,
a historical study of what the Belgians did in the Congo. But
look at American policy in Latin America. What could be uglier
or more violent than what the U. S. has done for over a century
in Latin America? From the early dispatch of Marines to Haiti
and the Dominican Republic to taking over Panama and the domination
of Cuba to the dictatorships in Guatemala and elsewhere in Latin
America. The deaths of hundreds of thousands people as the result
of what can only be described as American imperialism.
DB Traditionally the term imperialism
and American could not be mentioned in polite discourse, in history
books, or in the media. That seems to be changing. There was a
July 28 New York Times Magazine cover story by Michael Ignatieff
entitled, "How to Keep Afghanistan from Falling Apart. The
Case for a Committed American Imperialism." He is the Carr
Professor of Human Rights Policy and Director of the Carr Center
at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard. He writes rather
blatantly, "America's entire war on terror is an exercise
in imperialism." Then he adds, "Imperialism used to
be the white man's burden. This gave it a bad reputation. But
imperialism doesn't stop being necessary just because it becomes
politically incorrect." What do you think of his comments?
HZ Ignatieff's statement is accurate in
that the war is using terrorism as an excuse to advance American
military and economic power to other parts of the world where
they had not yet reached. When he says it is necessary, who is
it necessary for? He is trying to suggest that imperialism now
is a good thing. He says imperialism had a bad reputation. Does
it now have a good one? Can we point to wonderful things that
have happened to countries under U.S. power, control, and influence?
Can we point to wonderful things that happened in Indonesia when
the U. S. supported Suharto and his war against the people of
East Timor? Imperialism is as ugly and brutal as it always was.
Senator Joseph Biden, a liberal Democrat
and Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee held hearings
on Iraq in late July/early August. The usual suspects testified
like Reagan Defense Secretary Casper Weinberger and Clinton National
Security Advisor Samuel Berger. What was noteworthy was the absence
of critical voices. Congress has a long history of subservience
when it comes to presidential plans for war. If you look at history,
when the president has decided on war, Congress has never dissented.
It is not going to be Senate hearings that stop the war plans
on Iraq. It is going to take resistance and protest by the American
people who will ask, Why should our young people die and why should
Iraqis die for the ambition of oil companies and the political
ambitions of American leaders?
Richard Falk in the August 19th issue
of the Nation has an article entitled "The Rush to War."
It is about U.S. Iraq policy, He poses a series of questions at
the end of his essay. "We must ask why the open American
system is so closed in this instance. How can we explain this
unsavory rush to judgment, when so many lives are at stake? What
is now wrong with our system, with the vigilance of our citizenry,
that such a course of action can be embarked upon without even
evoking criticism in high places, much less mass opposition in
the streets?" How would you respond to Falk?
He should not be surprised. Citizens have
never had an opportunity to express their dissent when the country
goes to war. One of the reasons is that the media have always
gone along with administration policy in preparing for and going
to war. We have had a system that has been largely closed. Citizens
have had to create their own apertures like independent newspapers,
magazines, and community radio stations. Citizens have had to
take advantage of the few apertures in the system in order to
express their dissent. It is disturbing that we are not seeing
mass revulsion against plans for war. But I believe the idea of
going to war against Iraq is going to become more and more obviously
wrong to more and more Americans.
Howard Zinn is professor emeritus at Boston
University. He is the author of A People's History of the U.S.
and has written several plays including Emma and Marx in Soho.
His latest book is Terrorism and War.
Howard Zinn's book of interviews with
David Barsamian, The Future of History, is available from Alternative
Radio. For information about obtaining CDs, cassette copies or
transcripts of this or other programs, please contact: David Barsamian
Alternative Radio, PO Box 551, Boulder, CO 80306; 800-444-1977;
email@example.com www. Alternativeradio.org.
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