
Nursultan Nazarbeyev
New Internationalist magazine,
October 2002

Nothing of any political significance
happens in Kazakhstan, the largest of the former Soviet Central
Asian republics, without the say-so of President Nursultan Nazarbeyev.
The established local boss of the Communist Party, he inherited
the presidency in an uncontested election when Kazakhstan declared
independence in 1991. Since then he has conferred his blessing
on a bewildering variety of political 'parties'- most of which
he created himself. Only parties 'registered' with the government
can function at all, which gives the President a good deal of-clout.
No-one knows at any particular time which party the big boss favours
- which is a pretty nifty way of keeping your enemies off balance.
In 1991 Nazarbeyev-endorsed the People's
Congress of Kazakhstan (PCK). In 1993 he preferred the People's
Unity Party. In the 1995 parliamentary elections he favoured the
Party of National Unity, the Democratic Party and the Popular
Co-operative Party. Only the Co-operative Party won any representation.
The others were duly replaced by Otan (Fatherland), the Civic
Party and the Agrarian Party. Confused yet?
No matter. Because in any case Nazarbeyev
then declared the election a fraud and engineered a sham referendum
that extended his presidential term. In 2000, after more elections
from which his chief rival was banned, parliament passed 'First
President' legislation granting Nazarbeyev 'lifetime powers',
including direct access to any future president and immunity from
criminal prosecution. Can the status of President-for-Life be
far away?
Born in 1940 to a suitably 'peasant' family
in the village of Chemolgan, Nazarbeyev started his working life
as a labourer in the Karagandy steel works, eventually graduating
in economics from the factory's associated 'academy'. By 1973
he was secretary of the Karagandy plant's Communist Party Committee
and by 1979 Secretary of the republic's Central Committee.
According to his own website, Nazarbeyev
has subsequently lived a life of almost Herculean achievement.
Apart from his favourite hobby -'big tennis'- he has since 1991
been an honorary citizen of the US city of Duluth, Minnesota.
Together with George Soros and Margaret Thatcher he became an
Honorary Doctor of the Kazakh Institute of Management, Economy
and Forecasting in 1995. Among his many literary works are the
seminal Terra Incognita of Post-Totalitarian Democracy and The
Epicenter of Peace. His wife, Sara Alpysovna, enjoys 'skiing,
swimming and cold-water shower-baths'.
Nazarbeyev is a strong supporter of his
family. His eldest daughter, Dariga, is said to control the media
in Kazakhstan. His 3o year-old nephew, Kairat Satybalty-uly, was
made vice-president of the state-run Kazakoil in 2001 without,
apparently, any detailed knowledge of the oil industry at all.
Two sons-in-law control major elements of the country's vast oil
reserves around the Caspian Sea.
In 1999, according to The Economist, 'Nazarbeyev
was embarrassed, but few were surprised, when it was revealed
he had a Swiss bank account'. One secret account contained upwards
of a billion dollars paid by the US oil giant, Chevron. In July
2000 James Giffen, a New York banker and official adviser to Nazarbeyev,
came under investigation in the US for laundering money in Switzerland.
In November 2001 the entrepreneur Choi Soon-Young told a court
in South Korea that he had given Nazarbeyev $10 million in bribes.
Kazakhstan features regularly among Transparency
International's list of the most corrupt states in the world.
Idiosyncratic forms of repression have followed. In March 2000
three opposition activists were physically walled in to their
apartments to prevent their attendance at a protest meeting. In
the same year the Committee to Protect Journalists named Nazarbeyev
among their top-ten 'worst enemies of the press'. Even the Organization
for Security and Co-operation in Europe (of which Kazakhstan is
a proud member) has refused to endorse the country's election
results and has called repeatedly for reform.
All this is a little sad. Nazarbeyev began
his presidency with the dramatic declaration of a 'nuclear-free'
Kazakhstan - the first state in the world to renounce entirely
the weapons it already possessed. They were duly dismantled or
returned to Russia. But the nuclear legacy is a menacing popular
concern. Russia still leases the ramshackle Baykonur Cosmodrome
for its space programme - a potential source of lethal pollution.
Environmental catastrophe from oil threatens the Caspian Sea.
The Aral Sea is almost dead. Under the circumstances Nazarbeyev's
decision to spend upwards of a billion dollars moving his nation's
capital from Almaty to Astana looks Quixotic, to say the least.
He must, nonetheless, feel that his political
future is now more secure than ever. In December 2001 he was warmly
welcomed in Washington as a key partner in the 'war on terror'.
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